Competition in American Elections Essay Example for Free

Competition in American Elections Essay Elections are a crucial element of representative democracy. They are the direct link between citizens and their representatives in government: if the public approves of their elected officials’ actions, they continue to vote them back into office; if the public doesn’t like how things are going in the government, they vote for other candidates with different ideas. The electorate has to have this choice between candidates in order to effectively express their preferences. However, if the incumbent or incumbent party seems certain to win, a vote for a new candidate would be of little value: the election is not competitive; therefore, the public is hindered from voting into office a candidate that represents their true interests. It is therefore essential to examine the true meaning of what makes an election competitive and to determine whether American elections of various types adhere to this requirement. The literature competitiveness in elections is extensive, but all definitions more or less come down to the question of whether or not someone other than the winner might have won (had circumstances been different, had the opposition campaigned more effectively, had the public been more welcoming to the opposition’s ideas, etc.). A very minimalistic definition of a competitive election is given by Hyde and Marinov (2012) in the form of three criteria: â€Å"opposition is allowed, multiple parties are legal, and more than one candidate competes† (p. 192). Five requirements for determining if an election was competitive are given by Janowitz and Marvin (1955-1956): high levels of participation, political self-confidence and self-interest among the citizenry, effective public deliberation, a media not monopolized by one particular side, and campaigns operating mostly independently of the mass media (pp. 384-393). These criteria are meant to measure the degree to which the election represented a â€Å"process of consent† rather than a â€Å"process of manipulation†. Buchler (2007) defines competitive elections as those in which the candidates have about an equal chance of winning, or when their vote shares are about the sameso, the more the two-party vote for the winning candidate approaches 50%, the more competitive the election is. In their study on the effects of competition on legislator performance, Koninsky and Ueda (2011) define a competitive election as one in which the winner earned 90% or more of the two-party vote (p. 201), whereas Niemi et al. (2006) define competitive elections as those in which the winner received at least 60% of the two-party vote (cited in Koninsky and Ueda, p. 201). Such strictly defined, outcome-based requirements for electoral competitiveness have been criticized for being more or less arbitrary (Buchler, p. 336); however, for the purpose of this paper, such definitions are the most practical choice. The minimalistic definition of Hyde and Marinov is in fact too minimalistic for an examination of electoral competitiveness in America, where an open and democratic political process is an integral aspect of the Constitution itself. Janowitz and Marvins definition will be excluded for practical purposes because while the criteria to allow for analysis of electoral competitiveness pre-election, and therefore do not count as uncompetitive elections in which the opposition simply wasn’t strong enough, this method is much more suited to an in-depth study of a single election rather than a comparison between multiple election years and types because of the normative questions involved (the researchers in question used this method to examine the 1952 presidential election). While strictly statistical, outcome-based definitions of competitiveness are perhaps arbitrarily defined, they are simple and useful in studying electoral competitiveness over long periods. To avoid restraining myself to one statistic, I consider both the 60% requirement proposed by Niemi et al. and the 90% requirement used by Koninsky and Ueda. In order to study competition in presidential elections, I have compiled both the popular vote and Electoral College vote for the presidential elections since 1980. I only included data from the two candidates who received the most votes. I then calculated the percentage of the two-party vote (popular and Electoral College) received by each candidate. The percentage of the two-party popular vote received by any given winner of the presidency never exceeded 60%, and can, therefore, be considered competitive by both the 60% and 90% requirements. However, the results of the two-party Electoral College vote were not always so close. In fact, in seven out of the ten presidential elections held in the past 37 years, the percent of the two-party vote in the Electoral College received by the winning candidate exceeded 60%, and in two of these elections, this percentage exceeded 90%. Therefore, by our most strict definition of a competitive election, most presidential elections in the past th irty-seven years have not been competitive if we use the data provided by the Electoral College votes. This could suggest that the structure of America’s presidential elections (i.e., indirect vote via the Electoral College) compromises the competitiveness of our elections, as all the presidential elections examined were found to be competitive in the popular vote, but the Electoral College votewhich is, in fact, the deciding factor in who will become Presidentwas found to be uncompetitive in most cases. It is clear that the Electoral College does extrapolate the margin of victory of the winner, most clearly evidenced by the elections of 1980 and 1984, when Reagan was elected with a two-party popular vote of 55% and 59%, respectively, but by a 91% and 98% two-party vote in the Electoral College (Woolley and Gerhard 2017). I have employed the same method used for presidential elections to measure competitiveness in statewide elections in Missouri (Governor and United States Senator elections) and the district-based Missouri United States Representative elections (except that the Electoral College factor was not applicable). I have used the past five elections for each type of election; therefore I have gone back to 2000 for the Governor election data, to 2004 for the U.S. Senator data, and to 2008 for the U.S. Representative data. The elections for Missouri governors and U.S. Senators all fall within the 60% requirement off competitiveness. However, the U.S. House elections rarely satisfy this requirement (one out of eight districts in 2014, three out of nine districts in 2010, and one out of nine districts in 2008 had a two-party vote of less than 60% for the winner). None of the elections ever had a two-party vote that exceeded 90%, so these elections are competitive by Koninsky and Ueda’s req uirement (Ashcroft 2017, â€Å"Missouri Election Results† and â€Å"Previous Elections†). However, the disparity is obvious: while U.S. Representative elections are still competitive by the 90% test, they are generally nowhere near as competitive as state Governor, U.S. Senator, or presidential elections. This most likely arises as a result of gerrymandering, defined by Lowi et al. (2017) as the practice of drawing district maps that favor one party or the other based on the partisan makeup of different regions (p. 198). This practice reduces the competitiveness of districts so that the party that drew the map will have certain victory in most districts while allowing their opponents to win in a handful of districts where their party has the clear majority. For statewide and nationwide elections, this is not an option, but for district-based elections, gerrymandering is common practice. In response to a lack of competition in district-based elections, many propose intentionally drawing electoral districts to narrow the margin of victory and encourage more robust competition. There are many reasons to advocate for increased competition. As previously mentioned, the electorate cannot express its true preferences if election results are more or less determined in advance. According to Lowi et al., competition among politicians incentivizes them to reveal more information about themselves and about the other candidates, which in turn makes citizens more apt to pick the candidates that best represent their interests (p. 428). The threat of competition incentivizes elected officials to steer clear of corrupt practices and to remain responsive to their constituency to ensure re-election (Brunell and Clarke 2012, p. 124). This same threat also means that officials elected in competitive elections are more active lawmakers (Koninsky and Ueda, p. 199). And according to Huckfe ldt et al. (2007), while electoral competitiveness does not seem to produce any direct effect on turnout, it still has an indirect effect in that parties and candidates put more campaign effort into competitive elections, which in turn encourages higher turnout (p. 809). Indeed, the word â€Å"competition† often has a very positive connotation in American culture. This is natural, as it is the founding block of the free market system which our country has embraced possibly more than any other country. It may, therefore, come as a surprise that not all scholars advocate competition in the electoral sphere. A fairly intuitive, though the easily disregarded aspect of competition in elections is that as the margin of victory decreases, the number of people who voted for losing candidates increases. Brunell and Clarke argue that these people are more dissatisfied with the outcome of the election and feel that their interests are not being represented in government (p. 125). A study conducted by Bowler and Donovan (2011) suggests that increased competition leads to dissatisfaction in the electorate because people dislike being exposed to politics (p. 159). Janowitz and Marvin argue that high levels of competition divide the electorate and disintegra te more moderate, compromise-oriented groups (p. 400). It would seem that competitive elections, while allowing the public to hold elected officials accountable to their constituents, also lead to less happy constituents in general. Buchler goes on to point out that in order to draw competitive districts, the actual partisan makeup of the electorate must be disregarded, and a smaller margin of victory increases the chances of an error in the declared winner (pp. 333, 336). So when we draw districts to be more competitive, we may end up with representatives who do not actually represent the people to any significant degree. While the arguments for and against electoral competition seem valid, it is important to distinguish which definition of â€Å"competitive† we are actually working with. For example, while the 60% requirement proposed by Niemi et al. judges that nearly all U.S. House elections in Missouri were non-competitive, the more minimalistic model proposed by Hyde and Marinov would classify all of the elections studied in this paper as competitive simply because they were truly democratic elections. At the same time, the broadest definition of a competitive election used, the 90% definition proposed by Koninsky and Ueda, would define nearly all of the elections studied as competitive. I doubt that those who wish for less electoral competition because of its divisive effect on the electorate would suggest that the two-party vote for the winning candidate must exceed 90% every time, just to keep people happy. The obvious gerrymandering that takes place in redistricting maps is not to be t aken lightly, but the solution is not necessarily an effort to draw more competitive districts. As Buchler (2005, cited in Buchler 2007) argues, an unbiased map is the best way to ensure true representation of the citizens of a given region, even if the map is, in fact, uncompetitive (p. 333). Perhaps this is what we should really be working towards the true ideological representationrather than the potentially random results that come from toss-up districts.

Starting a Football Team Essay -- Papers

Starting a Football Team So you and your friends think you're ready to tackle being part of a League. Good ... but be careful. It's not as easy as it sounds and you must be aware of all the pitfalls before you take the leap. Organisation An essential must before you do anything else. You need at least two or three people to take some responsibility. Being part of any League carries a heavy burden for one newcomer. From these people, elect a secretary, a treasurer (oh yes, it all costs money) and a manager. Of course one person can do several roles, but it's a lot for a newbie to take on alone. Unless you're a strong individual, your club won't last long. --------------------------------------------------------------------- Registration Now you need to register yourselves with your local county football association. They are the governing body for all football within your area. You cannot even play a friendly against another team unless you're registered. Remember, football isn't all sweetness and light and sometimes unsavoury incidents happen. Your local football association are there to deal with such matters, among other things. If you are not registered and something goes wrong, you could find you or your players on a civil charge with the chance of a heavy fine or even jail (that's not to say you get away scot free if you're registered, more on that later). Usually county football associations (and local leagues) will only deal with the club secretary; this is standard practice. When you register, you will need a name for your team. Be prepared for a disappointment. Your name may already be in use and your... ...me, I'm as mad as the rest! --------------------------------------------------------------------- Well, this all sounds horrendous to me, where do I sign up? Presuming the men in the white coats haven't dragged you away screaming and you live in our part of Essex, you can apply to the Essex Sunday Corinthian League on-line from this link before the end of March each season. But be warned - All new clubs are screened and your application's success isn't guaranteed. Having said that, the on-line application is proving a roaring success. No fewer than six teams were playing in the League during 2000/2001 after submitting an on-line application! TIP - Always apply to more than one League. This way you stand a better chance of being accepted. Most Leagues won't ask for money when you apply, only after you're in.

Nigeria Labour Congress Demand for the Review of the National Minimum Wage and General Wage Review

Today, Nigerians who are lucky to have jobs are finding it increasingly difficult, if not impossible, to survive on their monthly pay. The major reason for this is that the pay of the Nigerian worker is not only one of the lowest in the world; it has also not improved as it should in the face of changes in market conditions. Workers in the public sector are particularly worse off.As huge revenues have continued to be acquired from the sweat of workers, the pay and conditions of workers have continued to deteriorate; workers have increasingly been excluded from the wealth created by their labour. In Nigeria, the difference in pay between managers and workers is not only one of the highest in the world: out of every N1 paid as wages, managers collect more than 80 kobo while workers receieve less than 20 kobo; the difference has been increasing over the years.At the same time, owners and managers of banks, top government officials and members of the political class have seen their pay a nd wealth swell ostronomically while workers have had to survive on starvation wages. Workers can no longer survive on what they earn; the situation is made worse by the fact that those who work also have to support family members who form part of the huge army of the unemployed. It has become crystal clear that there is an urgent need for an upward review of the national minimum wage and an upward general review of wages and salaries.History of wage reviews fought by workers This is not the first time that workers would be asking for a general upward review of wages and an increase in the National Minimum Wage. Between 1945 when workers staged the famous 45 days general strike for a Cost of Living Allowance (COLA) and 2007, when the demand won by workers for a 25% general wage through the Ernest Shonekan Wage Consolidation Committee was arbitrarily cut down to 15% by Obasanjo, workers have struggled at 15 times to have wages improved and a national minimum wage legislated upon.But the struggles produced notable victories for workers and the NLC, it was usually the case that: the National Minimum Wage was always set below the minimum wage needed by workers to survive. Because of the inadequacy of the wage, some state governments elected on their own to pay more. Even then, there were also some 1 state governments that pay less than the stipulated national minimum wage. The result was that workers always could not cope. The wage reviews were largely unstructured; sometimes negotiated wages were changed by government through circulars; at other times, government effected unilateral wage increases.Agreements reached with government were sometimes distorted at implementation or not implemented at all by government. For example, the 2000 Wage Review Agreement provided for a further 25per cent wage increase for workers with effect from May 1, 2001, and 15 per cent wage increase with effect from May 1, 2002. This was not implemented. Following industrial dispute over this a 121/2 percent increase rather than the 35 per cent agreement in 2000, was signed in 2003. But in the end, only an increase of between 4 and 12 1/2 per cent was implemented by the Federal Government.Although the Shonekan Committee was set up against this background and recommended a 25% increase in salaries, Obasanjo unilaterally implemented a 15% increase in 2007. Government also failed to abide by the timeframes set out for subsequent negotiations with workers. Workers always had to fight to get government to agree to collective bargaining even when the procedure was agreed in previous negotiations. Today, workers find that they have to fight yet again to get government to agree to negotiate a new National Minimum Wage and a general upward review of wages.Rationale for Upward Wage Review today There are several reasons why there must be an upward review of workers wages today. The consequence of the abdication of the agreed approach to the implementation of the phased-wage increases has been that wages and salaries are today sharply depressed and incapable of meeting the basic needs of most workers. In the last one year, inflation has intensified with the cost of living index in the urban sector increasing by over 14 per cent. The disproportionate increase (20. 9 percent) in the cost of food means that the erosion in the real wages and salaries of workers is alarmingly severe.The process of monetizing and consolidating in-kind benefits which were hitherto not taxed has resulted in an escalation of the tax paid by workers. This has further depressed the real take home pay of workers. 2 All over the world, salary increase in the public sector is underlined by the principle of equity and the need to bridge social inequality in the face of widening economic and social gaps amongst citizens of a country. In Nigeria, while workers’ salaries increased by 15 percent between 2006 and 2007, those of political office holders increased by over 800 percent. The 2008 increase in the compensation of political office holders has further aggravated the disparity (Table 1). On average, their compensation package has been doubled. We need to reduce this disparity for greater equity, productivity and morale. TABLE 1: Salaries of Political Office Holders (Pre and Post Consolidation) S/N Categories 1 Special Assistant to the President; Chief Speech Writer to the President; Chief Press Secretary to the President Members, House of Representatives; Deputy Chief of Staff TTP; Senior Special Assistant, TTP. Ministers of State; Senators; Principal Officers of the House of Representatives; Special advisers TTP.Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives; Minister; Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Head of Civil Service of the Federation, Chief of Staff TTP; National Security Adviser; Chief Economic Adviser; Inspector General of Police; Chairmen, Federal Civil Service Commission, Federal Character Commission, National Salaries, Incomes, & Wag es Commission, Revenue Mobilization Allocation & Fiscal Commission. Deputy President of the Senate; Justices of the Supreme Court; President, Court of Appeal. Speaker of the House of Representatives. HASS (Basic) 626,700 865,200 CONSS* 4,392,012 13,102,402 3 4 1,015,700 13,374,240 1,194,600 15,094,426 5 6 7 1,403,700 15,240,500 1,649,400 16,348,926 Vice-President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria ; 1,938,000 21,524,164 President of the Senate; Chief Justice of Nigeria . 8 President, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed 2,506,000 24,954,405 Forces of Nigeria . *Source: National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission and Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission, Abuja 3 In Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), Nigeria ought to be paying one of the highest minimum wages, given its resources and level of development.The reality, however, is that the existing minimum wage in Nigeria is one of the lowest in Africa. Table 2 presents the data for Sub-Saharan Africa. The data in the table takes adequate account of the need to adjust the wages to differences in the cost of living or what is called the Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). Table 2: Minimum Annual Wage Levels in African Countries ($USD) Country Minimum Special Notes PPP PPP-Based Wage Factor Minimum Wage Angola 1511 1. 975 2984. 23 Botswana 3011 2. 106 6341. 17 DRC 468 2. 077 972. 04 Kenya 948 2. 534 2402. 3 Lesotho 1080 For Manufacturing 1. 847 1994. 76 Madagascar 336 3. 107 1043. 95 Malawi 407 3 1221. 00 Mozambique 1177 2. 129 2505. 83 Nigeria 550 2. 274 1250. 70 South Africa 2780 Farm Minimum 1. 651 4589. 78 Wage: $975 Swaziland 1369 1. 958 2680. 50 Tanzania 1680 2. 8 4704. 00 Zambia 1147 1. 81 2076. 07 Average 1266 2674. 33 The current national minimum wage of N7,500 is far below the minimum cost of providing basic needs for the worker and his / her immediate family. Our survey shows that today the minimum cost of providing for basic needs is N58,200 (Table 2).This estimate is based on threshold hardship levels in which 6 or 8 people may be forced to live in one or two rooms and endure a dietary and living style that is most rudimentary. Additionally, it should be noted that N18,000 is allegedly spent on the feeding of one prison inmate monthly, while the estimate here is merely N20,000 for the feeding of a family of 6 per month. 4 An examination of the cost of living since the enactment of the National Minimum Wage Act 2000 shows clearly that the cost of living index has risen so much that the real value of the minimum wage set by the law has virtually been wiped out.Employing published data on the Consumer Price Index (CPI) from 2000 till July 2008, and taking into account developments in the overall economy and compensation adjustments since 2000, the minimum wage of workers in 2008 can be computed. This computation shows that in real terms, the minimum wage of workers would have to be adjusted upwards by a minimum factor of 4 in order to maintain the relative position of the least pai d worker in the national compensation structure established in 2000.Thus, the appropriate amount required in 2008 to maintain the real value of the National Minimum Wage set in 2000 would be (N11,213. 52 x 4=N44,856). Table 2: Estimated Monthly Cost of Meeting Basic Needs for a Representative Family * Item Accommodation Utilities a. Electricity b. Water c. Kerosene d. Communication Food Clothing Medical Education Cleaners, Soap and Detergents Entertainment, Recreation Communication Miscellaneous Total Cost (N) 6,000 1,000 500 4,000 2,000 20,000 4,000 5,000 6,000 1,300 and 1,000 1,500 N58,500Our Demands Based on the foregoing Congress demands: (i) A new National Minimum Wage of N52,200. This is the approximate average of the minimum wages when we take into consideration Minimum Annual Wage Levels in African Countries, the minimum cost of providing basic needs for the worker and his / her immediate family and the cost of living data. 5 (ii) that the Federal Government sets up a tripar tite committee as a matter of urgency to negotiate and agree on this, so that the National Minimum Wage Act 2000 can be amended to reflect the new amount.It is instructive to note that current negotiations on fixing a minimum wage for Ghana has recently reached preliminary agreement within the tripartite framework to adopt the basic needs approach in computing the minimum wage. (iii) an amendment to the Act to the effect that the National Minimum Wage law should apply to any establishment employing 20 or more workers, instead of the 50 workers currently stipulated by law. (iv) a general wage review; there is an urgent need to commence negotiations in both the public and private sectors so as to agree on new compensation packages. v) a wage review in the public sector based on the minimum wage computed above. Currently, the least salary in the Civil Service under the Consolidated Civil Service Salary Structure is N133,564 per annum or N11,130 per month. The new salary structure recom mended by the Congress is based on the least salary of N52,200 per month or N626,400 per annum, which is the proposed new national minimum wage. The new Consolidated Salary Structure would then be constructed so as to maintain the existing relativities in the salary structure.Sustainability and Affordability of NLC’s Demands Is the minimum wage proposed by the NLC reasonable, sustainable and affordable? Can the nation pay the new national minimum wage? The answer to both and related questions is an overwhelming YES! It is a resounding YES for the following reasons: (i) An increase in the purchasing power and effective demand of workers will increase the demand for goods and services and translate into growth for the economy. The morale, and therefore, productivity of workers will be greatly enhanced by the wage review. ii) Nigeria earns enough revenues, even with the downward slide in oil prices, to be able to pay. The problem in Nigeria is massive corruption by members of th e political and administrative elite and not lack of resources. To be sure, paying the new minimum wage will require that members of the political class cut their level of stealing of public funds. This will not be a bad thing; in fact, it will be good for the economy. (iii) If the economy can accommodate the huge sums spent on political office holders, it can accommodate a general upward review of wages and a national minimum wage as proposed.In any case, more resources should be devoted to the productive workers in any economy. Apart from political office holders, the profits declared in most areas of the private sector, continue to be massive. Even sectors which are contracting their operations continue to declare huge profits. Therefore, the public and private sectors of the economy are capable of paying higher wages. 6 Framework Proposed for the Negotiations The national minimum wage negotiations should be carried out within the tripartite framework, with workers, NECA and gove rnment represented.The emerging agreement from this negotiation should then be forwarded to the National Assembly as a Draft Amendment to the National Minimum Wage Act, 2000. At the conclusion of the minimum wage negotiation, the public service wage review negotiation should commence between labour and representatives of government, both Federal and States. Private sector negotiations should susequently take place within the existing sectoral framework of collective bargaining. On the general wages review, we wish to call on government to adopt the framework of collective bargaining, with representatives of all public sector employers, whetherFederal or State Governments, as employers, not as governments. Conclusion Congress makes these demands with great patriotism, sensitivity and responsibility. Congress holds that collective bargaining and negotiations with trade unions are sacrosanct and in consonance with the spirit of democracy. Congress calls on government to set up the nece ssary structures for the negotiations without further delay. To delay negotiations will further compound the living conditions of workers of Nigeria in the face of the alarming mass poverty already destroying their lives. February 2009 7

The Theory of the Ideas and Plato’s Ontology - 2075 Words

I. THE THEORY OF THE IDEAS AND PLATO’S ONTOLOGY I. 1. The ontological dualism The theory of the Ideas is the base of Plato’s philosophy: the Ideas are not only the real objects ontologically speaking, but they are the authentically objects of knowledge epistemologically speaking. From the point of view of ethics and politics, they are the foundation of the right behaviour, and anthropologically speaking they are the base of Plato’s dualism and they even allow him demonstrate the immortality of the soul. Plato defends a clear ontological dualism in which there are two types of realities or worlds: the sensible world and the intelligible world or, as he calls it, the world of the Ideas. The Sensible World is the†¦show more content†¦The objects to which names (such as Socrates or Napoleon) refer are individuals; but we have certain problems about the objects to which other terms (nouns, abstract adjectives and abstract nouns) refer. We call them UNIVERSAL terms because they do refer to a plurality o f objects. For that reason Plato deduces there must be universal beings matching up those universal concepts of which there are plenty of individuals or examples; â€Å"The Green† would match the concept of green, â€Å"The Kindness† would match the concept of kindness, â€Å"The Beauty† would match the concept of beautiful, â€Å"The Truth† would match the concept of truth. Those beings which match universal concepts are called Ideas or Forms. c) The possibility of scientific knowledge: science strictly talking cannot deal with things which are continuously changing; the sensible world is continuously changing, so science cannot study it; it has to study an immutable world. The second premise shows a clear affinity with Parmenides of Elea and Heraclitus of Ephesus: what is given to our senses is a world ruled by continuous change, by mutation. 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